National honor society Essay

Being a member of National Honor Society is a highly prestigious honor and made me standout from my fellow peers. My hard work throughout my three years of high school pays off when I was inducted to NHS. National Honor Society recognized all the hard work you did but not only academics but also helped me in areas such as scholarship, leadership, service and character. To be selected and be a part of national honor society is not an honor but a privilege. Scholarship in high school for colleges is something as student is very difficult to achieve especially when you are competing with millions of people, it sometimes very hard or close to impossible to receive. National Honor Society helps us become closer to that and maintaining an 85 or higher grade point average help many students to get close to the standard of scholarship. Above that scholarship also help students like me, who can really can’t afford that much money to pay for college but want to go college. It gives us an opportunity to get a little help because of our grade. Leadership is a big matter of my life, being in the leadership class I know leader does not mean to take control or boss other people around. Being a leader meaning listening to other voice, having faith in people and other members having trust on me. I showed my leadership at prom fashion show last year, I helped out with the tickets and the snacks. To me leadership in national honor society doesn’t really have to be about become an officer but basically listening to other and working as a team to make this year the one. Service is an important part of National Honor Society , in order to be induct in national honor society you have to do x amount of service hours. This basically help us became well rounded and give us a chance to give back to the society. I remember last year I volunteer at Boy and girls clubs, can food drive, help with fashion show and in addition I did service for Mr. Barnett. I also did service out of school like baby sat my friend disable sister, and helped my brother with homework. It made me realize helping and caring for other is a big part of one’s life in order to succeed and reach goals. When volunteering to help one in need, it helps me to get in  touch with my inner self. Lastly but not least is character, mostly of my peer members in national honor society I see every day, and I work hard towards getting along with everyone I meet without coming off to strong. Being in NHS I have experienced and inspired as a waitress, caring, and being considerate. If I were to explain my character I believe it would be endeavor my ways to becoming a better human being. Being a student with 92 GPA, I have to say my character build up every day because I learn something new on a daily basis. NHS helps me to build or improve my character because the members are so different and extremely pleasant. To wrap it up, I strive on overcoming all problems that I will later face in life and set my aim to leading, helping others, and making right decision builds upon my character. NHS is a way for me to start achieves goals. Throughout my years as a john Adams High School student, I believe that I have demonstrated all of these attributes.

Gender Differences in Peer and Parental In?uences: Body Image Disturbance

Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 33, No. 5, October 2004, pp. 421–429 ( C 2004) Gender Differences in Peer and Parental In? uences: Body Image Disturbance, Self-Worth, and Psychological Functioning in Preadolescent Children Vicky Phares,1 Ari R. Steinberg,2 and J. Kevin Thompson3 Received April 17, 2003; revised January 20, 2004; accepted February 11, 2004 The connections between body image disturbance and psychological functioning have been well established in samples of older adolescent girls and young women. Little is known, however, about body image in younger children. In particular, little is known about possible gender differences in preadolescent children. The current study explored self-reported body image disturbance and psychological functioning in relation to peer and parental in? uences in 141 elementary school-aged girls and boys aged 8–11. Results suggest that girls are more concerned about dieting and are more preoccupied with their weight than are boys. Girls also reported a greater drive for thinness and a higher level of family history of eating concerns than did boys. Correlations suggested that girls’ experiences of body image concerns (body dissatisfaction, bulimia, and drive for thinness) were related to a number of factors (such as family history of eating concerns, peer in? uences, teasing, depression, and global self-worth) whereas boys’ experiences of body image concerns were related to fewer factors. On the basis of these ? ndings, the assessment and treatment of body image concerns in preadolescent children (especially girls) are of great importance. Implications for intervention and prevention programs are discussed. KEY WORDS: body image; peers; parents. The prevalence of weight and body image concerns among preadolescent children is overwhelming. Between 30 and 50% of adolescent girls are either concerned about their weight or are actually dieting (e. g. , Thompson and 1 Vicky Phares, Ph. D. is a Professor and Director of Clinical Training at the University of South Florida. She received her Ph. D. in Clinical Psychology from the University of Vermont. Her major research interests are fathers and developmental psychopathology. She recently published a textbook, Understanding Abnormal Child Psychology with Wiley and Sons. To whom correspondence should be addressed at University of South Florida, Department of Psychology, 4202 E. Fowler Avenue, PCD 4118G, Tampa, Florida 33620; e-mail: [email  protected] cas. usf. edu. 2 Ari R. Steinberg, Ph. D. graduated from the University of South Florida, where she earned her M. A. in Psychology and her Ph. D. in Clinical Psychology. Her major research interests are cognitive and psychosocial correlates to the development of body image; e-mail: [email  protected] cas. usf. edu. 3 J. Kevin Thompson, Ph. D. is a Professor of Psychology at the University of South Florida. He received his Ph. D. in Clinical Psychology from the University of Georgia. His major research interests are body image and eating disorders. Smolak, 2001). Such concerns about size and/or appearance have been found to predict onset of eating disturbances prospectively (Cattarin and Thompson, 1994; Stice, 2001). Although most of the previous research on eating disorders has focused on adult women and adolescent girls, it has recently been shown that weight concerns and body image disturbance exist in younger girls and boys (Cusumano and Thompson, 2001; Field et al. 2001; Ricciardelli and McCabe, 2001; Ricciardelli et al. , 2000; VanderWal and Thelen, 2000). Self-esteem concerns appear to be related to body image disturbance in young children, but there does not appear to be a causal link between self-esteem and body image disturbance (Mendelson et al. , 1996). Speci? cally, body image disturbance and poor self-esteem appear to develop concurrently in young boys and girls. Given the se important issues, the current study attempted to examine the psychological, familial, and social correlates of weight concerns and eating disturbances in preadolescent girls and boys. 21 0047-2891/04/1000-0421/0 C 2004 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc. 422 BODY IMAGE AND DIETING BEHAVIOR IN ADOLESCENTS AND CHILDREN The connections between body image disturbance and psychological maladjustment in adolescence have been well documented. There appears to be pervasive concerns among adolescents with respect to their weight, body image, dieting, and eating behavior (Smolak and Levine, 2001; Thompson et al. , 1999). In fact, averageweight adolescent girls are almost as likely to be dieting as their overweight peers (Rodin et al. , 1985). These patterns are evident in both clinical and nonclinical samples. Bunnell et al. (1992) investigated body shape concerns among 5 samples of female adolescents: anorexia nervosa clients, bulimia nervosa clients, subclinical anorexia, subclinical bulimia, and noneating disordered females. They found that body shape dissatisfaction was a prominent concern for most adolescent girls regardless of their level of eating pathology. Thus, by the time of adolescence, the majority of girls have developed weight and body concerns and many have tried dieting or other strategies to alter their physical appearance. Although these issues have received less research attention in preadolescent children, many of the same patterns have emerged in studies of younger children. Children as young as 6 years old express dissatisfaction with their body and a substantial amount (40%) have attempted to lose weight (Thelen et al. , 1992). There is evidence that children as young as 7 are reliable in their reports of dieting (Kostanski and Gullone, 1999). In a sample of thirdthrough sixth-graders, children were very knowledgeable about weight control methods (Schur et al. , 2000). Body dissatisfaction appears to be related to dietary restraint rather than age. In a study that compared 9-year-olds and 14-year-olds, girls with highly restrained eating patterns in both age groups showed low body esteem, and discontent with their body shape and weight (Hill et al. , 1992). Consistent with research on adolescents and young adults, young girls tend to show this dissatisfaction to a greater extent than boys. In samples of children between the ages of 5 and 11 (Collins, 1991; Cusumano and Thompson, 2001; Williamson and Delin, 2001; Wood et al. 1996), girls reported signi? cantly greater body dissatisfaction than did boys. More girls than boys were dieting in a sample of 10–12 year olds (Sands et al. , 1997). Thus, the â€Å"normative discontent† that is shown in adolescent girls and young women (Rodin et al. , 1985) appears to be present in younger girls as well. FAMILIAL INFLUENCES ON BODY IMAGE A logical question relates to why these body image disturb ances occur in such young children. Theories of Phares, Steinberg, and Thompson body image disturbance include biological, sociocultural, familial, and peer-related in? ences (Smolak and Levine, 2001; Steinberg and Phares, 2001). Recently, a great deal of attention has been focused on familial and peer in? uences in the development of body image. Regarding familial in? uences, 2 primary mechanisms have been proposed: parental modeling of dysfunctional eating attitudes and behavior, and parents’ in? uence over their children by direct transmission of weight-related attitudes and opinions, such as comments or teasing. There has been support for both mechanisms in adolescent samples. When compared with mothers of daughters in a nonclinical control group, mothers of adolescent girls with disordered eating patterns showed greater eating disturbance, had a longer history of dieting, and wanted their daughters to lose more weight (Pike and Rodin, 1991). Rieves and Cash (1996) found that daughters’ eating disturbances were related to their perceptions of maternal concern with appearance and preoccupation with being overweight. These studies suggest that adolescent girls may be modeling dysfunctional eating attitudes and behaviors from their parents. There is evidence that parents in? ence their adolescents’ eating disturbances and body image through direct transmission of weight-related attitudes and opinions. Thelen and Cormier (1995) found that mothers’ and fathers’ encouragement of weight control were related to daughters’ desire to be thinner, daughters’ weight, and dieting behaviors. When actual body weight was controlled statistically, only the relationship between daughters’ dieting and fathers’ encouragement to diet remained signi? cant. Direct parental comments about children’s weight had a strong relation with children’s body image, especially mothers’ comments about their daughters (Smolak et al. 1999). Thus, it appears that both maternal and paternal in? uences may be relevant to the development of body image concerns and related issues. These ? ndings suggest that parents can in? uence their attitudes and opinions of weight through direct transmission, although the relative salience of mothers versus fathers has yet to be established. Negative verbal commentary within the family, also known as teasing, has received attention recently. Teasing can be considered an indirect transmission of parental attitudes and opinions. In a sample of lder adolescent college students, parental teasing of females, but not of males, was related to body image dissatisfaction ( Schwartz et al. , 1999). In addition, higher levels of teasing and appearance-related feedback predicted higher levels of psychological disturbance. Taken together, these studies all point to the relationships between adolescents’ body image concerns and parental attitudes and behaviors. Few studies, however, have addressed these issues in younger children. Gender Differences in Peer and Parental In? uences PEER INFLUENCES ON BODY IMAGE The same point can be made for peer in? uences on body image. Although signi? cant relationships have been found in samples of adolescents, few studies have explored these issues in younger children. When investigating adolescents, one study found that adolescents’ disturbed eating and weight concerns were related to the dieting and weight control strategies of peers as well as to the amount they reported talking with peers about dieting (Levine et al. , 1994). In addition, adolescent girls reported their peers as one of the primary sources of information on weight control and dieting (Desmond et al. , 1986). Adolescent girls, more so than adolescent boys, worried about their weight, ? ure, and popularity with peers (Wadden et al. , 1991). Negative verbal commentary by peers has been explored in relation to body image disturbance. Teasing by peers seems to have a strong in? uence on the development of eating and weight concerns (Rieves and Cash, 1996; Thompson, 1996; Thompson and Heinberg, 1993). Teasing by peers tends to be common durin g childhood with physical appearance and weight as the primary focus. Cash (1995) reported that 72% of college women recalled being teased as children, usually with respect to their facial features or body weight and shape. In a study of adolescent girls, Cattarin and Thompson (1994) found that teasing was a signi? cant predictor of overall appearance dissatisfaction above and beyond the in? uence of age, maturational status, and level of obesity. In one of the few studies done with children, Oliver and Thelen (1996) found that children’s perceptions of peers’ negative messages and increased likability by being thin in? uenced their body image and weight concerns. Overall, peers’ attitudes and teasing appear to in? uence body image concerns. Taken together, these studies suggest patterns of familial and peer in? ence on the development of body image concerns. Little is known, however, about the associations of these issues within young children. Even less is known about how familial and peer in? uences are related to body image concerns and psychological functioning in young girls versus young boys. THE CURRENT STUDY On the basis of the ? ndings with adolescent and young adult popul ations, the current study extends these research questions to preadolescent girls and boys. Because the majority of previous research was limited to maternal in? ences on body image (Phares, 1996), the current study will also extend this line of research to explore paternal in? uences on body image. It was hypothesized that gender effects would be revealed concerning young chil- 423 dren’s body image concerns, with young girls reporting more body dissatisfaction and weight-appearance-related concerns than young boys. It was expected that both girls and boys who reported higher levels of body image concerns would show more psychological problems as exhibited by higher levels of depression and lower levels of perceived competence. Both familial in? uences and peer in? ences were expected to be related to girls’ and boys’ body image and eating concerns. METHOD Participants A total of 141 children (64 boys and 77 girls) from two public elementary schools in a large urban area in the southeast participated in the study. On the basis of a power analysis (? level = 0. 05, power = 0. 80, and a medium effect size), it was determined that a minimum sample size of 64 boys and 64 girls would be adequate to test the hypotheses (Cohen, 1992). The mean age of the overall sample was 9. 23 years (SD = 1. 08) and did not differ between boys (M = 9. 31; SD = 1. 04) and girls (M = 9. 7; SD = 1. 12; t(139) = 0. 79; p = 0. 434). The sample was ethnically diverse (63. 1% Caucasian, 21. 3% African American, 12. 8% Hispanic/Latino/Latina, 0. 7% Asian American, and 2. 1% other). With respect to grade level, 14. 2% were in the second grade, 44. 0% were in the third grade, 27. 6% were in the fourth grade, and 14. 2% were in the ? fth grade. The distribution of girls and boys did not differ for race/ethnicity or for grade level ( ps > 0. 05). A total of 77 mothers and 48 fathers participated in the study. Measures Family In? uences Two measures were used to assess fun ctioning within the family. The Perceptions of Teasing Scale (POTS) is a revised and extended version of the Physical Appearance Related Teasing Scale (Thompson et al. , 1995). The measure has been used with children as young as 10 years old, therefore, the 8- and 9-year-old participants in this study were younger than previous participants who completed the POTS. The Weight Teasing Scale, which consists of 6 questions concerned with the frequency of appearancerelated teasing, was used in the current study. Participants answered these questions for their mother and father separately, and scores were totaled for an overall frequency of parental teasing score. Higher numbers on this 5-point scale re? ect greater frequency of negative verbal commentary. Coef? cient ? s in the current study were adequate for 424 reports of mothers (0. 72) and fathers (0. 84). Note that only 24% of the children in this sample scored above a 0 on this measure. Children, mothers, and fathers completed the Family History of Eating (FHE-Child and FHE-Parent; Moreno and Thelen, 1993). Both versions of the FHE are scored along a 5-point Likert scale and are used to assess attitudes concerning body shape and weight, dieting, and familial eating patterns and behaviors. The parent version assesses parents’ perceptions whereas the child version focuses on the child’s perception of the family. Higher numbers re? ect greater familial concern with body shape and weight. Reliabilities in the current study were adequate based on the coef? cient ? for children (0. 80), mothers (0. 77), and fathers (0. 75). Peer In? uences Children completed the Inventory of Peer In? uence on Eating Concerns (IPIEC; Oliver and Thelen, 1996), which is a 30-item measure of peer in? uence on children’s eating and body shape concerns. The measure consists of 5 factors: Messages, Interactions/Girls, Interactions/Boys, Likability/Girls, and Likability/Boys. The Messages factor re? ects the frequency with which children receive negative messages from peers regarding their body or eating behaviors. The Interactions factors address the frequency with which children interact with peers (boys and girls) about weight and eating habits. The Likability factors measure the degree to which children believe that being thin will increase the degree to which they are liked by their peers (boys and girls). Items are rated on a 5-point Likert scale, where higher numbers re? ect greater peer in? uence. For the present study, total mean scale scores of all items were used to calculate a total peer in? uence score. The coef? cient ? in the current study (0. 94) was strong. Obesity Level The Quetelet’s Index of Fatness is a body mass index (BMI) that is computed for each child with the following formula: weight/(squared height). The Quetelet’s Index is used routinely as an index of adiposity and is correlated highly with skinfold and other fatness measures. Height and weight were obtained by self-report. Previous research has shown that young adolescents’ self-reports are highly correlated with actual measurements of weight and height (Brooks-Gunn et al. , 1987; Field et al. , 2002). Eating Disturbance and Body Image Children completed the Eating Disorder Inventory for Children (EDI-C; Garner, 1984), which measures self- Phares, Steinberg, and Thompson perceptions of eating disturbances and body image. Items are answered on a 6-point Likert scale and subscales are averaged to produce mean scale scores. Three of the eight subscales were used in the present study: Drive for Thinness (excessive concern with dieting, preoccupation with weight, and extreme fear of weight gain), Body Dissatisfaction (dissatisfaction with overall shape and with the size of those body regions of most concern to individuals with eating disorders), and Bulimia (thinking about and engaging in uncontrollable overeating, or binging behaviors). Coef? cient ? s were adequate in the current sample for the Drive for Thinness subscale (0. 83), the Body Dissatisfaction subscale (0. 63), and the Bulimia subscale (0. 76). On all subscales, higher numbers re? ect higher levels of body image concerns or related behaviors. Psychological Functioning Children completed 2 measures that assess their psychological functioning. The Children’s Depression Inventory (CDI; Kovacs, 1992) is a widely used self-report measure of affective, cognitive, and behavioral symptoms of depression in children. Items are scores on a 0- to 2-point scale, with higher scores re? ecting higher levels of depression. The total CDI score, which showed good reliability in the current sample (coef? cient ? = 0. 91) was used. Children also completed the Self-Perception Pro? e for Children (Harter, 1985), which assesses children’s perceptions of themselves across different domains. For the current study, the global self-worth subscale was used. Note that the global self-worth scale consists of questions that are separate from any of the other domains (e. g. , the physical appearance domain is not subsumed under the global se lf-worth rating). Higher scores on the 4-point scale re? ect higher perceptions of global self-worth. Adequate reliability (coef? cient ? = 0. 79) was shown in the current sample. Procedures Active parental consent and child assent were given for involvement in the study. Once consent and assent were obtained and data collection was initiated, no children dropped out of the study nor did any children refuse to take part in the study. Participating children completed questionnaires in small groups at school. Examiners read each question aloud and children put their answers on the questionnaires individually. Parents were mailed their questionnaires (the FHE-P and a brief demographics form) and were asked to return their completed questionnaires to the researchers in a postage-paid envelope. Multiple mail- Gender Differences in Peer and Parental In? uences Table I. Means and t-Tests for Gender Comparisons Variable Body mass index (BMI) Body Dissatisfaction Bulimia Drive for Thinness Family History of Eating—Child Inventory of Peer In? uence on Eating Concerns Perceptions of Teasing—Frequency Depression Global Self-Worth a Statistically 425 Girls (n = 77), mean (SD) 18. 91 (3. 80) 20. 29 (10. 10) 13. 38 (7. 32) 18. 21 (9. 64) 19. 99 (8. 38) 1. 80 (0. 84) 1. 62 (4. 62) 48. 83 (12. 06) 19. 06 (4. 74) Boys (n = 64), mean (SD) 19. 01 (3. 80) 18. 38 (8. 83) 15. 05 (7. 63) 13. 13 (6. 61) 17. 56 (5. 54) 1. 66 (0. 73) 1. 33 (2. 97) 49. 13 (13. 47) 18. 92 (4. 75) t 0. 09 ? 1. 18 1. 32 ? 3. 58 ? 1. 98 ? . 02 ? 0. 44 0. 14 ? 0. 18 p 0. 932 0. 239 0. 188 0. 000a 0. 049a 0. 311 0. 660 0. 892 0. 859 signi? cant. ings were sent in an attempt to obtain maximum parental participation. The ? nal response rate was 54. 6% (n = 77) for mothers and 34. 0% (n = 48) for fathers. RESULTS Gender Comparisons As expected, girls showed somewhat greater concern over weight and body image issues than did boys. Signi? cantly more girls (61. 0%) than boys (35. 9%) wanted to lose weight, ? 2 (2) = 13. 38, p < 0. 001. As can be seen in Table I, there were additional gender differences on body image, restriction, and disturbed eating behaviors measures. When compared with boys, girls reported a higher drive for thinness, t(139) = ? 3. 58; p < 0. 001, and a more troubled family history of eating concerns, t(139) = ? 1. 98; p < 0. 05 (i. e. , girls reported receiving more messages regarding weight and dieting from their parents than did boys). Girls and boys did not differ signi? cantly on body mass index, body dissatisfaction, bulimic behaviors, peers’ eating concerns, or frequency of parental teasing. There were also no gen- der differences in depressive symptoms or global selfworth. Thus, there was some limited support for gender differences. Relations Between Body Image and Psychological Functioning Correlational analyses were computed in order to investigate the relations between body image and psychological functioning. As can be seen in Table II, signi? cant correlations were revealed for all of the measures for girls and most of the measures for boys. Girls’ reports of body dissatisfaction, bulimic tendencies, and drive for thinness were related to higher levels of depression and lower levels of global self-worth. For boys, body dissatisfaction was related to higher levels of depression and lower levels of global self-worth. Bulimic tendencies were not significantly related to either depressive symptoms or global self-worth. Drive for thinness was related to lower levels of global self-worth but was not signi? cantly related to depression. Thus, the expected pattern of results was found for girls consistently, and partial support was found for boys. Table II. Correlations Between Eating Disturbance and Psychological Functioning Variables 1 1. Body Dissatisfaction 2. Bulimia 3. Drive for Thinness 4. Family History of Eating—Child 5. Inventory of Peer In? uences on Eating Concerns 6. Perceptions of Teasing—Frequency 7. Depression 8. Global Self-Worth — 0. 42 0. 42 0. 32? 0. 26? 0. 44 0. 37 ?0. 42 2 0. 47 — 0. 25? 0. 23 0. 10 0. 29? 0. 14 ? 0. 01 3 0. 56 0. 55 — 0. 67 0. 32? 0. 60 0. 19 ? 0. 39? 4 0. 53 0. 56 0. 58 — 0. 12 0. 41 ?0. 03 ? 0. 03 5 0. 49 0. 55 0. 48 0. 53 — 0. 18 0. 29? ?0. 21 6 0. 32 0. 34 0. 27? 0. 44 0. 38 — 0. 29? ?0. 37 7 0. 58 0. 60 0. 55 0. 63 0. 59 0. 45 — ? 0. 58 8 ? 0. 64 ?0. 48 ?0. 49 ?0. 52 ?0. 52 ?0. 35 ?0. 71 — Note. Boys are in the lower left quadrant and girls are in the upper right quadrant. ? p < 0. 5; p < 0. 01; p < 0. 001. 426 Relations Between Parental In? uences, Peer In? uences, and Body Image Disturbance Table II also reports the results of correlations for parental in? uences, peer in? uences, and body image disturbance. For girls, all of the correlations were signi? cant. Speci? cally, girls’ body dissatisfaction, bulimia, and drive for thinness were related to higher levels of family history of eating concern s, peer in? uences on eating concerns, and perceptions of teasing. For boys, 7 of the 9 correlations were signi? cant. Speci? cally, boys’ body dissatisfaction was signi? antly related to higher levels of family history of eating concerns, peer in? uences on eating concerns, and perceptions of teasing. Boys’ tendency toward bulimia was signi? cantly related to perceptions of teasing, but not family history or peer in? uences. Boys’ drive for thinness was related to family history, peer in? uences, and perceptions of teasing. Overall, there was somewhat more support for the connections between parental in? uences, peer in? uences, and body image disturbance for girls, but there was clear evidence of connections for boys when body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness were considered. Phares, Steinberg, and Thompson of family history and children’s reports of eating disturbance and body image concerns. These ? ndings suggest that children’s perceptions of family history and parents’ perceptions of family history are not related strongly. Missing Parental Data To assess whether there were systematic differences between parents who did or did not participate, t tests were conducted to examine any possible differences between children whose parents returned questionnaires and those children whose parents did not return questionnaires. With the exception of family history, t(139) = 2. 33, p < 0. 02, no other signi? cant differences were revealed. Children whose parents returned questionnaires reported signi? cantly higher levels of family emphasis on weight and body shape (M = 20. 15, SD = 7. 90) than children whose parents did not return questionnaires (M = 17. 32, SD = 6. 20). There were no signi? cant differences between children with parental data and children without parental data on the following variables: Body Dissatisfaction (from the EDI-C), Bulimia (from the EDI-C), Drive for Thinness (from the EDI-C), peer in? ences (from the IPIEC), or perceptions to teasing (from the POTS). Thus, the exploratory analyses with parental data are likely to be generalizable for all of the variables other than family history. Parental Data For exploratory purposes, paired t tests were conducted to examine the differences in mothers’ and fathers’ reports of parental in? uence regarding weight and body shape co ncerns. Mothers (M = 18. 57, SD = 5. 32) placed more emphasis on weight and body shape concerns than did fathers (M = 15. 94, SD = 5. 29), t(47) = ? 3. 96, p < 0. 001. Further examination of parental differences revealed that mothers reported placing more importance on weight and body image concerns than did fathers for both their daughters, t(29) = ? 2. 93, p < 0. 006, and sons, t(27) = ? 2. 61, p < 0. 01. These results suggest that, regardless of child gender, mothers tend to place more emphasis on weight and dieting than do fathers. To examine the relationship between children’s selfreports and parental reports, correlations were conducted for parents’ reports of family history of eating concerns and children’s reports of eating disturbance and psychological functioning. A signi? cant correlation was revealed for mothers’ reports of family history and children’s reports of family history, r (77) = 0. 25, p < 0. 05. These results suggest that mothers and children perceived similar familial in? uences regarding weight and body shape. In addition, signi? cant correlations were revealed for maternal report of family history and children’s report of global self-worth, r (77) = ? 0. 27, p < 0. 05. No other signi? cant correlations were revealed for maternal or paternal reports DISCUSSION Overall, the results of this study support and extend previous research suggesting that both parental and peer in? uences are related to the development of body image and weight concerns in preadolescent girls and boys. It is likely that both factors play an integral part in children’s formations of maladaptive beliefs, attitudes, and expectations concerning weight, physical appearance, and body image. Further, there appear to be some differences but some similarities in how girls and boys experience these issues. Similar to previous research, girls in this study exhibited a somewhat greater degree of concern regarding weight and body image issues than did boys. Not only were they more aware of issues surrounding weight and dieting, but girls were more active in attempts to become and/or remain â€Å"thin. † In addition, it appears that girls received more messages within the family setting regarding weight and body image concerns. Although most investigations of body image concerns tend to recruit only female participants (e. g. , Attie and Brooks-Gunn, 1989; Cattarin and Thompson, 1994), the studies of gender differences Gender Differences in Peer and Parental In? uences in body image have used primarily adolescent samples (e. g. , Childress et al. , 1993; reviewed in Cohane and Pope, 2001). The present results support similar ? ndings for preadolescent children, which indicates that these gender differences begin to develop at an earlier age, prior to any pubertal changes (Collins, 1991; Oliver and Thelen, 1996; Shapiro et al. , 1997; Wood et al. , 1996). The results of this study provide support for a relationship between body image concerns and depressive symptoms (Herzog et al. 1992) and self-esteem (Wood et al. , 1996). Overall, children who expressed higher levels of body image disturbance reported higher rates of depressive symptoms and lower levels of global self-worth. Although this pattern was more evident in girls, the same pattern existed for boys when body dissatisfaction was considered. Prior research has revealed support for both parental (Sanftner et al. , 1996; Thelen and Cormier, 19 95) and peer (Cattarin and Thompson, 1994; Oliver and Thelen, 1996) in? uences on children’s eating and body image concerns. This study found support for peer and parental in? ences for girls and to a lesser extent, for boys. Most of the research on peer in? uences has been conducted with adolescent populations of girls (Levine et al. , 1994). In this study, similar patterns emerged for boys and girls when body dissatisfaction (as opposed to bulimic tendencies) were evaluated. It may be that preadolescent boys are struggling with body dissatisfaction, but in such a manner that is not captured by the measurement of bulimic tendencies. The measurement of parental teasing from the POTS measure was particularly useful in helping to understand boys’ experiences. A number of previous studies have documented the connections between negative verbal commentary and body image concerns in girls (Cattarin and Thompson, 1994; Schwartz et al. , 1999). In the current study, boys’ perceptions of parental teasing were related to higher levels of body dissatisfaction, bulimic tendencies, drive for thinness, family history of eating concerns, and depression and lower levels of global self-worth. Thus, further exploration of perceptions of parental teasing in both boys and girls may be fruitful. On the basis of the results of this study, the implications for prevention and intervention are numerous. Given the wealth of support for the existence of body image concerns in preadolescent children (Collins, 1991; Shapiro et al. , 1997; Thelen et al. , 1992; Wood et al. , 1996), it is imperative to address weight and body image concerns with children prior to adolescence. Psychoeducational programs could be helpful to inform children of the parental, peer, and sociocultural in? uences on their attitudes and beliefs concerning weight and physical appearance. Several universal psychoeducational programs 427 have been instituted and evaluated for school-aged children (reviewed in Levine and Smolak, 2001). Although this study found some gender differences in preadolescent children’s experiences of body image disturbance, the common pattern of associations among variables for both boys and girls would suggest that preventive efforts could be targeted to girls and boys together. Intervention programs are also necessary given the connections between familial in? uences and body image concerns in young children and the resultant connections between body image concerns and eating disorders (Cattarin and Thompson, 1994; Steinhausen and Vollrath, 1993; Thompson et al. 1999). Parents need to be educated about the negative consequences of their own weight and body image issues on the development of related problems in their children (Archibald et al. , 1999). Treatment programs should take family functioning into account and should address the strong connections between body image concerns and poor psychological functioning (Steinberg and Phares, 2001). There are several limitations to t he study indicating that these results should be interpreted with caution. First, the ross-sectional nature of the study precludes interpretations related to causality. For example, it could be that higher levels of depression lead to higher rates of body dissatisfaction in both boys and girls. A prospective study of girls and boys from early childhood to adolescence and even adulthood could help answer the direction of causality. In addition, because there was a signi? cant difference in family history of eating concerns (FHE-C) between children with and without completed parental data, the preliminary analyses of parental reports have to be viewed cautiously. Although other studies have found relatively few differences between participating and nonparticipating mothers and fathers (Phares, 1995), the differences in this sample suggest that the parental data may not be representative of the larger population. This study attempted to limit common method variance by including parents rather than just relying on children’s self-reports. This inclusion of parents, however, led to other dif? culties. Future studies in this area could bene? t from more intense efforts to recruit and maintain parents for participation in research. Even with these limitations, this study provided support for parental and peer in? uences on the development of body image disturbance in preadolescent girls and boys. It is likely that both peers and family members contribute to the development of body image disturbance and weight concerns of young children. Although girls appear to be at greater risk for these concerns, this study suggests that attention to both boys’ and girls’ development of body image concerns is warranted. 428 ACKNOWLEDGMENT This study was completed as part of a masters thesis by the ? rst author under the direction of the second and third authors. REFERENCES Archibald, A. B. , Graber, J. A. , and Brooks-Gunn, J. (1999). Associations among parent–adolescent relationships, pubertal growth, dieting, and body image in young adolescent girls: A short-term longitudinal study. J. Res. Adolesc. , 9: 395–415. Attie, I. , and Brooks-Gunn, J. (1989). Development of eating problems in adolescent girls: A longitudinal study. Dev. Psychol. 25: 70– 79. Brooks-Gunn, J. , Warren, M. P. , Rosso, J. , and Gargiulo, J. (1987). Validity of self-report measures of girls’ pubertal status. Child Dev. 58: 829–841. Bunnell, D. W. , Cooper, P. J. , Hertz, S. , and Shenker, I. R. (1992). Body shape concerns among adolescents. Int. J. 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Manual for the Self-Perception Pro? le for Children. Department of Psychology, University of Denver, Colorado. Herzog, D. B. , Keller, M. B. , Sacks, N. R. , Yeh, C. J. , and Lavori, P. W. (1992). Psychiatric comorbidity in treatment-seeking anorexics and bulimics. J. Am. Acad. Child Adolesc. Psychiatry 31: 810–818. Hill, A. J. , Oliver, S. , and Rogers, P. J. (1992). Eating in the adult world: The rise of dieting in childhood and adolescence. Br. J. Clin. Psychol. 31: 95–105. Kostanski, M. and Gullone, E. (1999). Dieting and body image in the child’s world: Conceptualization and behavior. J. Genet. Psychol. 160: 488–499. Kovacs, M. (1992). Children’s Depression Inventory: CDI Manual. Multi-Health Systems, North Tonawanda, NY. Inc. Phares, Steinberg, and Thompson Levine, M. P. , and Smolak, L. (2001). Primary prevention of body image dist urbances and disordered eating in childhood and early adolescence. In Thompson, J. K. , and Smolak, L. , (eds. ), Body Image, Eating Disorders, and Obesity in Youth: Assessment, Prevention, and Treatment. American Psychological Association, Washington, DC, pp. 37–260. Levine, M. P. , Smolak, L. , Moodey, A. F. , Shuman, M. D. , and Hessen, L. D. (1994). Normative developmental challenges and dieting and eating disturbances in middle school girls. Int. J. Eating Disord. 15: 11–20. Mendelson, B. K. , White, D. R. , and Mendelson, M. J. (1996). Selfesteem and body esteem: Effects of gender, age, and weight. J. Appl. Dev. Psychol. 17: 321–346. Moreno, A. , and Thelen, M. H. (1993). Parental factors related to bulimia nervosa. Addictive Behav. 18: 681–689. Oliver, K. K. , and Thelen, M. H. (1996). Children’s perceptions of peer in? uence on eating concerns. Behav. Ther. 7: 25–39. Phares, V. (1995). Fathers’ and mothers’ participatio n in research. Adolescence 30: 593–602. Phares, V. (1996). Fathers and developmental psychopathology. New York: Wiley. Pike, K. M. , and Rodin, J. (1991). Mothers, daughters, and disordered eating. J. Abnorm. Psychol. 100: 198–204. Ricciardelli, L. A. , and McCabe, M. P. (2001). Children’s body image concerns and eating disturbance: A review of the literature. Clin. Psychol. Rev. 21: 325–344. Ricciardelli, L. A. , McCabe, M. P. , and Ban? eld, S. (2000). Body image and body change methods in adolescent boys: Role of parents, friends, and the media. J. Psychosom. Res. 49: 189–197. Rieves, L. , and Cash, T. F. (1996). Social developmental factors and women’s body-image attitudes. J. Soc. Behav. Pers. 11: 63–78. Rodin, J. , Silberstein, L. R. , and Striegel-Moore, R. H. (1985). Women and weight: A normative discontent. In Sonderegger, T. B. (ed. ), Psychology and Gender: Nebraska Symposium on Motivation. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, pp. 267–307. Sands, R. , Tricker, J. , Sherman, C. , and Armatas, C. (1997). Disordered eating patterns, body image, self-esteem, and physical activity in preadolescent school children. Int. J. Eating Disord. 1: 159– 166. Sanftner, J. L. , Crowther, J. H. , Crawford, P. A. , and Watts, D. D. (1996). Maternal in? uences (or lack thereof) on daughters’ eating attitudes and behaviors. Eating Disord. 4: 147–159. Schur, E. A. , Sanders, M. , and Steiner, H. (2000). Body dissatisfaction and dieting in young children. Int. J. Eating Disord. 27: 74â₠¬â€œ82. Schwartz, D. J. , Phares, V. , Tantleff-Dunn, S. , and Thompson, J. K. (1999). Body image, psychological functioning, and parental feedback regarding physical appearance. Int. J. Eating Disord. 25: 339– 343. Shapiro, S. , Newcomb, M. , and Loeb, T. B. (1997). Fear of fat, disregulated-restrained eating, and body esteem: Prevalence and gender differences among eight- to ten-year-old children. J. Clin. Child Psychol. 26: 358–365. Smolak, L. , and Levine, M. P. (2001). Body image in children. In Thompson, J. K. , and Smolak, L. (eds. ), Body Image, Eating Disorders, and Obesity in Youth: Assessment, Prevention, and Treatment. American Psychological Association, Washington, DC, pp. 41– 66. Smolak, L. , Levine, M. P. , and Schermer, F. (1999). Parental input and weight concerns among elementary school children. Int. J. Eating Disord. 25: 263–271. Steinberg, A. B. , and Phares, V. (2001). Family functioning, body image, and eating disturbances. In Thompson, J. K. , and Smolak, L. (eds. ), Body Image, Eating Disorders, and Obesity in Youth: Assessment, Prevention, and Treatment. American Psychological Association, Washington, DC, pp. 127–147. Steinhausen, H. , and Vollrath, M. (1993). The self-image of adolescent patients with eating Disord. Int. J. Eating Disord. 13: 221–227. Stice, E. (2001). Risk factors for eating pathology: Recent advances and future directions. In R. Striegel-Moore & L. Smolak (Eds. ), Eating Gender Differences in Peer and Parental In? ences disorders: Innovative directions in research and practice (pp. 51– 73). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Thelen, M. H. , and Cormier, J. (1995). Desire to be thinner and weight control among children and their parents. Behav. Ther. 26: 85– 99. Thelen, M. H. , Lawrence, C. , and Powell, A. (1992). Body image, weight control, and eating disorders among children. In Crowther, J. H. , Tennebaum, D. L. , Hobfoll, S. E. , and Stephens, M. A. P. (eds. ), The Etiology of Bulimia Nervosa: The Individual and Familial Context. Hemisphere, Washington, DC, pp. 82–102. Thompson, J. K. (1996). Assessing body image disturbance: Measures, methodology, and implementation. In Thompson, J. K. (ed. ), Body Image, Eating Disorders, and Obesity: An Integrative Guide for Assessment and Treatment. American Psychological Association, Washington, DC, pp. 49–82. Thompson, J. K. , Cattarin, J. , Fowler, B. , and Fisher, E. (1995). The Perception of Teasing Scale (POTS): A revision and extension of the Physical Appearance Related Teasing Scale (PARTS). J. Pers. Assess. 65: 146–157. Thompson, J. K. , and Heinberg, L. J. (1993). Preliminary test of two hypotheses of body image disturbance. Int. J. Eating Disord. 14: 59–63. 429 Thompson, J. K. , Heinberg, L. J. , Altabe, M. , and Tantleff-Dunn, S. (1999). Exacting Beauty: Theory, Assessment, and Treatment of Body Image Disturbance. American Psychological Association, Washington, DC. Thompson, J. K. , and Smolak, L. (2001). Body image, eating disorders, and obesity in youth: The future is now. In Thompson, J. K. , and Smolak, L. (eds. ), Body Image, Eating Disorders, and Obesity in Youth: Assessment, Prevention, and Treatment. American Psychological Association, Washington, DC, pp. 1– 39. VanderWal, J. S. , and Thelen, M. H. 2000). Predictors of body image dissatisfaction in elementary-age school girls. Eating Behav. 1: 105–122. Wadden, T. A. , Brown, G. , Foster, G. D. , and Linowitz, J. R. (1991). Salience of weight-related worries in adolescent males and females. Int. J. Eating Disord. 10: 407–414. Williamson, S. , and Delin, C. (2001). Young children’s ? gural selections: Accuracy o f reporting and body size dissatisfaction. Int. J. Eating Disord. 29: 80–84. Wood, K. C. , Becker, J. A. , and Thompson, J. K. (1996). Body image dissatisfaction in preadolescent children. J. Appl. Dev. Psychol. 17: 85–100.

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The Modern Nuclear Family Essay The nuclear, isolated, or restricted family is not a recent phenomenon, but has existed in many cultures throughout human history. Indeed, the extended family of several generations is found mostly in relatively advanced, stable, and affluent, but not yet industrialized societies. Very primitive and very sophisticated societies seem to prefer the nuclear family model. However, nuclear families can vary in the degree of their isolation and restrictedness. For example, before the Industrial Revolution the Western nuclear family was often embedded in a larger social unit, such as a farm or estate, an aristocratic court, or a village populated by relatives. Many older city neighborhoods also kept kinship ties strong, and thus even very small families remained open to the community. Family visits might be frequent and extended; children might freely circulate and feel at home in several households. On the other hand, we have seen that, beginning in the late 17th century, a trend toward closeness reduced the size of many larger households and changed the relationships between the remaining family members. They became more concerned about each other. They needed each other more. The idyllic home of the bourgeois became an island of serenity in the gathering storm of modernization, a haven secure from the world out there, from aggressiveness, competition, and class warfare. We have also seen how this home sheltered women and protected the children from sexual and other temptations. Other nasty social realities were also kept safely at bay. The family income was no longer earned inside, but rather outside the house. The division of labor between the sexes became more pronounced as men spent more and more time away from their families as wage earners in factories, shops, and offices. Their wives became almost the only companions of their small children whose care and education was now their main responsibility. (Formerly, these tasks had been divided between mothers, grandmothers, nurses, and servants.) Virtually the only middle-class men who still worked at home were doctors and lawyers in private practice. As a rule, however, the bourgeois family saw its head and breadwinner only when he returned from his work at night. This work itself remained an abstraction to both his wife and his children. The removal of productive work from the home into the factories had, of course, important consequences for all family members. It was no longer necessary for any of them to develop strong roots in any particular community or to become attached to a particular house. Instead, they became free to move about, to follow industrial development into new settlements, to go after the jobs wherever they might be. Moreover, family connections became less important, as factory work became ever more rationalized and efficient. Nepotism gave way to hiring and promotion on merit alone. By the same token, the new worker, business man, or bureaucrat no longer had to take care of distant relatives. He now worked exclusively for his own small family and this made him more industrious. He could advance faster, since his income had to support only very few people. Thus, the individual husband and father was no longer weighed down by traditions or extensive social obligations. In addition, the education of his children and the care of his aged or sick parents began to be taken over by the state. In view of these developments, many observers have noted a fit between the nuclear family and industrialism. In other words, small, intimate, and mobile families seem best suited to advance the cause of industrialization and, conversely, industrialization seems to encourage the formation of small families. After all, in modern industrial societies there is a general trend toward equality and personal independence. This, in turn, allows for the free choice of a marriage partner, place of residence, and occupation. In an extended family these freedoms are always restricted, because a wrong choice would affect too many relatives. Thus, people who want to take full advantage of the new possibilities normally marry late and keep their families small. However, this rule also has its exceptions. Sometimes large families are more useful, because they can serve as a back-up unit by providing shelter and aid at crucial moments. This may be especially important for lower-class individuals who try to move up, although the higher classes often also maintain extensive family ties. Thus, even in fully industrialized societies one can find many men and women who appreciate the traditional extended family or at least a large network of relatives. Still, by and large, the closely-knit nuclear family has been dominant in Western societies for the last several generations, and thus it has shaped the general perception of what a family should be: A man and a woman marry for love, have two or three children, live alone by themselves in a family home or apartment, and spend all their free time together. The man leaves for work in the morning, while the woman takes care of the children and the house. She also cooks dinner and ministers to her exhausted husband when he returns at night. Once or twice a year, at Thanksgiving or Christmas, there is a brief, ceremonial get-together with other relatives at Grandmas house, but otherwise everyone keeps his distance and minds his own business. Obviously, according to this ideal model, the family members are relatively isolated from the larger kindred and, indeed, from the rest of the community. However, they are to be compensated for this isolation by a greater emotional warmth inside the nuclear circle. Father, mother, and children are to be the world for each other. A deep mutual love is supposed to keep them together and boost their morale as they compete economically with other small family units. Unfortunately, as many families have discovered, things do not always work out that way. The lack of wider contacts is often perceived as crippling, too much closeness becomes oppressive, and inescapable familiarity breeds contempt. Therefore, almost from the beginning, the modern nuclear family has also been subject to criticism. In Victorian times, when the cult of the home was at its height, this criticism was expressed mainly by great bourgeois writers, such as Flaubert, Ibsen and Strindberg, who denounced the hypocrisy, shallowness, and dullness of middle-class life, and who exposed the suffering and vicious psychological infighting behind the facade of respectability. The family was further criticised on philosophical and political grounds by Friedrich Engels who tied it to the origin and maintenance of private property. Finally, Sigmund Freud provided perhaps the most serious, if indirect, accusation when he described the happy nuclear household as the breeding ground of neurosis and sexual perversion. At any rate, by the late 19th century the disadvantages of the bourgeois family model had also become evident to many average men and women. The emotional hothouse atmosphere of the home began to seem stifling, and what once had been praised as a sanctuary was more and more often condemned as a prison. In the traditional extended family, children had been able to choose between several male and female adult role models; now they had only their parents. Formerly, their early education had been shaped by a number of different people and a variety of influences; now they depended entirely on their own mother and father. Actually, the latter was not even always available. Since he no longer worked inside the house, his children had no clear conception of his social role. Instead, he became simply an abstract provider and disciplinarian, a mysterious and distant authority figure. He was occasionally loved, frequently feared, but rarely understood. At the same time, the wife and mother found herself more restricted than ever before. Her greatly increased maternal duties kept her confined inside her four walls. She could venture outside only for a visit to church or to go shopping. Her world had shrunk, and her functions were narrowly circumscribed. She had to be feminine, motherly, sensitive, proper, and in all matters of importance she had to defer to her husband. It is understandable, therefore, that many Victorian women began to resent the nuclear family and their position in it. Thus, it was a signal of things to come when, in Ibsens A Dolls House, the heroine Nora simply walked out on her husband and children. As time went by, more and more women demanded complete legal equality with men and the freedom to develop their full potential as human beings. They began to struggle for the right to vote and the reform of marriage and divorce laws. They also entered the work force in ever increasing numbers. Finally, during World War I, they proved their capabilities in many formerly inaccessible jobs and thereby further emancipated themselves from the home. {See also The Emancipation of Women.) Recent decades have seen a continuation of this trend. In many families today both husband and wife work outside the house, while the children spend much of their time in a nursery, daycare center, kindergarten, or school. As a result, the emotional ties between family members have become somewhat less constrictive, and a greater tolerance prevails. The influence of peer groups has grown, not only for the children, but also for their mothers. The traditional male and female roles are being reevaluated. The mass media keep everyone in touch with the larger community and its continued transformation. Still, the family circle as such has not widened. Grandparents are rarely part of the household, but live on their own in retirement villages, senior citizen centers, or nursing homes. Unmarried relatives move to a singles hotel or apartment building. Thus, the average American family remains fairly small. Indeed, there are now many fatherless families consisting only of a woman and her children. The one-parent family or core family is usually described as an incomplete nuclear family, and there is a general assumption that it is socially undesirable. The lack of a father figure is seen as detrimental to child development, and hasty generalizations are made about undue female influence. In the U.S. these comments sometimes even have racist overtones, as mother-child families are frequently found in the poor black population. However, with the rising divorce rate, this family type has also become increasingly common in the white middle class. Indeed, at the present time about 1 out of 6 children in America lives with only one parent, and the number of such households may well increase in the future. After all, our welfare regulations and other government policies often have the effect of breaking up families that would otherwise stay together. Our legisiatures have not yet learned how to test new laws through family impact studies which would reveal such unintended consequences in advance. Still, in the meantime it should be remembered that the one-parent family is not necessarily bad. In the years following the two World Wars, millions of women have successfully brought up their children alone, and this impressive example should caution us against superficial judgments. Moreover, upon closer examination, many core families are discovered to maintain close connections to wider kinship groups and thus turn out to be more open and viable than might have been supposed. Finally, we know that there are also many father-child families which have not received sufficient critical attention. It is another question whether the nuclear family itself, even when complete, is still the best available option. Many people today are convinced that small, single households are uneconomical and wasteful, that they are still emotionally unhealthy, that they perpetuate outmoded sterotypical sex roles, and that they produce competitive, egotistical children in an age when universal cooperation seems the only hope of mankind. It is also argued that the modern family no longer has any other function than to provide love and intimacy, and that this is by no means enough to justify its existence. Indeed, since families have been largely relieved of their economic, educational, and protective functions by the state, sexual attachment has become the nearly exclusive basis of marriage, and this basis is notoriously weak. Frequent divorce and remarriage, however, while perhaps practical for the adults, hardly seem in the best interest of the children. Under the circumstances, it is only fitting that a number of thoughtful men and women should continue to search for more stable, new and improved family models.

Blood Brothers Essay Example for Free

Blood Brothers Essay Her gestures towards Eddy were quite fidgety, she was always fretting over him- making sure his clothes and hair was neat so he looked respectful. This constant need to make Eddy look neat would be so the Lyons family kept up their reputation and Mrs. Lyons may have also been trying to cover up any likeness between Mickey and Eddy, so she was constantly fidgeting over him. This attitude was also reflected in the atmosphere she generated, as she was always quite nervous and twitchy, because she was always worried that the public or her husband would find out that Eddy wasnt her child and that he was the offspring of a working class family. You can see this nervous attitude from her facial expression as she always carried a worried look, and also from her body language as her hands always flustered nervously. Mrs. Lyons relationship with Mrs. Johnstone got more impersonal as the play went on. They stood further apart from one another and they spoke in raised voices. Mrs. Lyons was very protective of Eddy so she walked and sat very close to him all the time and didnt like feeling that she has no control over him. Narrator Phillip Stewart: I think that the narrator was the character that had the highest status on stage. He didnt emotionally relate to any of the characters. You could see this reflection of impersonality towards the characters when he was face to face with a distraught Mrs. Johnstone or an excited Mickey his facial expression didnt alter, showing he had no understanding of the characters emotions. The fact that the narrator didnt relate to any of the characters, means that they fear the narrator and are intimidated by him. Further more, the fact that the characters were actually aware of the narrator is unusual as most narrators are kept separate from the characters. This may be because the narrator acted as something more spiritual, like he was a figure of destiny or life who is moving the actors around like chess pieces. He would creep up on people, or pull them away as he had the power to do this. He stood tall, had a domineering presence and was the person with the most authority. His accent, like his costume, was neutral, his tone was quite deep and the volume of his voice was load throughout the whole of the play. Mickey Johnstone Stephen Palfreman: Mickey was brought up in the Johnstone family so he had the same accent as his mother- Liverpudlian. 7-8yrs: He was amazingly energetic and he completely took over the stage when he came on. He shouted, ran around madly, spoke in a high-pitched voice, muddled up his word and so reflected a seven year old boy in a physical and intellectual state. When he first came on stage he was banging on his door and sat down like this: He started picking his nose e. t. c. He fidgeted constantly, scratching himself, and typically stretching his jumper over his legs. To reflect his age he spent a lot of time on the floor, as it was an adult playing a seven year old this made him look shorter. He was very over powering, so when he was talking to the other characters there was about an inch between them-nearly nose to nose, so obviously like any seven year old he had no sense of personal boundaries. 12-14yrs: At this age he was desperately trying to impress Linda so he was doing typical guy poses and walking with a skip in his step to try and look cool. He also talked to her in a deep, what he thought to be, manly voice. He really wanted to impress Linda but he was also very nervous especially in Act two, Scene 1 when Linda asks Mickey to help him over the gate and as he approaches her she screams be gentle, be gentle Which puts him off completely! 18+: Now he seemed a lot more serious because as hes on his own. When hes in prison you could see him slowly going mad. The carefree attitude he used to have had now disappeared. He was always very edgy, and he barely moved. In prison he was edgy but he felt safe, once he was out of prison he got even worse. He got angry with Linda when he didnt get his tablets and he was constantly sweating. His relationship towards Linda was reflected in his body language, as he seemed to stop showing affection towards her and never liked standing to close to any one. This distance was in contrast to the seven year old Mickey. Eddy Lyons -Mark Hutchinson: Eddy took after his mother in his accent as his was also quite posh. The tone of his voice was quite feminine and it was like this through all ages. 7-8yrs: Unlike Mickey, Eddys voice was quieter and his movements were timid but once he was with Mickey and wasnt being over shadowed by his mother he could let go. A typical example of this would be when Eddy, Mickey and Linda get caught by the police throwing stones through windows, and the policeman asks him: Whats your name? And Eddy replies: Adolph Hitler! So you can see that Eddy could be brave, even more so than Mickey and Linda, he just needed to be let out of his shell. Eddys lexis was a lot different to Mickeys as he used words like smashing and goodness; whereas most of Mickeys lexis consisted of swear words. Eddy didnt seem to change that much from the age of 7-18 years old. He still has quite a feminine voice he just sounded matured. As he grew up Eddy spent less time on the floor so he was taller, Mickey also used this tactic. Also, Mickey didnt influence him quite as much. Eddys relationship with the characters was reflected in his distance between them and his body language. When Mrs. Lyons was fidgeting over him he tried to stop her. At first the distance between him and Mrs. Johnstone was far but as the play went on they got closer showing that their relationship was growing closer. Linda Louise Clayton: Linda 7-8yrs: She had come from the same class as Mickey so she had a Liverpudlian accent too. Her voice was quite high pitched she was also very energetic. Her gestures and the distance between her and the other characters reflected her affectionate personality and like Mickey she had no sense of personal boundaries but she was a little more gentile than Mickey was! 12-14yrs: Now she was very confident especially towards Mickey. She was constantly telling Mickey that she loved him in public even though he didnt really like it that much. Her gestures were quite sexy towards Mickey as was her movement-swaying her hips as she walked was one example. 18+: Her tone was now a lot more mature and so were her clothes. When she went to go and visit Mickey in prison she always put on a happy face. As she was older she had more responsibilities so she wasnt as energetic and happy as she used to be. Marriage seemed to have trapped Linda and all she wanted to do was to go back to her old carefree life. This was probably why she kissed Eddy because it was like starting again but you could always see that she still really cared for Mickey. Once Mickey was out of jail Linda tried to get close to him and to understand him but he just turned her away. The fact that she stayed with him showed just how much she cared for him. Her body language and gestures towards him werent as confident as they were when she was fourteen. It was Mickey who had the most comical value out of all the characters. When he first made his appearance in Act 1, Scene 2 as a seven year old, fidgeting madly and pulling his jumper over his knees it was really funny. When he was a teenager and he was trying to impress Linda he spoke in a deep voice, which made the whole audience laugh out load! When sadder moments in the play came the lights were usually blue. The final scene of the play was a mixture of passion, fear, tension and sadness. When you were sitting on the edge of your seat wondering who was going to shoot whom, you could sense the tension in the auditorium. You could see the passion between Mickey and Eddy as they found out they were brothers from just looking at their faces and the fear from Mrs. Johnstone and Mrs. , Lyons as they feared that Mickey was going to kill Eddy. I thought that the play was very thought provoking as it made you think about the social injustice of our society today. This social injustice was the plays main theme along with superstition as the narrator frequently quoted superstitions like-new shoes on the table. Social Injustice is the basis of many other plays like Teechers by John Godber. This play sends the message through the ideal of school, and the social injustice at the school. I really enjoyed the play and I would definitely go and see it again. I thought that all of the actors performed their characters brilliantly and showed absolute commitment to their role throughout the whole of the play. They seemed to have got into their characters and know them of by heart.

Human Resource Management in Health

Human Resource Management in Health Human Resource Management in Health Assessment 1 Managing Bullying and Harassment Background Bullying and harassment is not only unacceptable, it is unlawful under both the Commonwealth of Australia and the state legislations. There are many acts which prohibit bullying and harassment and discrimination like the Affirmative Action (Equal Opportunity for Women) Act 1986, Disability Discrimination Act 1992, Equal Employment Opportunity (Commonwealth Authorities) Act 1987, Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Act 1996, Human Rights (Sexual Conduct) Act 1994, Privacy Act 1988, Racial Discrimination Act 1975, Racial Hatred Act 1995 and Sex Discrimination Act 1984 at the federal level (Comcare, 2010) and the Anti-Discrimination Act 1977, Disability Services Act 2006 and Privacy and Personal Information Protection Act 1998 at the state (NSW) level. Harassment and bullying is not just unlawful during working hours or in the workplace itself. It is also unlawful in any work-related context, including conferences, business or field trips, work functions and work end of year p arties. Harassing and/or bullying behaviour may be by a supervisor or manager, a co-worker, a contractor, an advisor or others associated with the organisation. Anti-bullying or anti-harassment policies at workplace should provide safe and productive environment where the dignity of every individual should be equally respected. The workplace should ensure to provide fair and equitable treatment to all the employees regardless of their protected characteristics such as sex, age, race, disability, sexual orientation, physical characteristics marital status, religious or political belief, parental or carer status, pregnancy, gender identity, family responsibilities or any other personal attribute under law. Harassment at workplace can include unwanted physical contact, verbal abuse and threat, offensive gestures, unwelcome and offensive remarks, jokes or innuendos, unwanted sexual propositions or demands, practical jokes that cause awkwardness, embarrassment or distress, unwelcome personal contact outside the workplace, unwelcome invitations or requests, intimidation, suggestive behaviour, the display of offensive notices or posters, mocking co mments about a persons appearance or manner of speech etc. Workplace bullying can involve humiliation, domination, intimidation, victimisation and all forms of harassment including that based on sex, race, disability, homosexuality or transgender. Bullying of any form or for any reason can have long-term effects on those involved including bystanders. Bullying behaviour can be verbal (e.g. name calling, teasing, abuse, putdowns, sarcasm, insults, threats), physical (e.g. hitting, punching, kicking, scratching, tripping, spitting), social ( e.g. ignoring, excluding, ostracising, alienating, making inappropriate gestures) or psychological (e.g. spreading rumours, dirty looks, hiding or damaging possessions, malicious SMS and email messages, inappropriate use of camera phones). Literature review of the anti-bullying and anti-harassment measures In Australia, the workplaces identify bullying by the three criteria mentioned in most of the anti-bullying, anti-harassment and anti- discrimination policies (Comcare,2010; NT WorkSafe, 2012; SafeWork South Australia, 2010; WorkCover NSW, 2009; Workplace Health and Safety Queensland, 2004; WorkSafe Victoria, 2009; WorkSafe Western Australia, 2010). The criteria are, they are repeated rather than singular, unreasonable and pose a risk to cause health and safety issues. Bullying and harassment not only have an effect on the health of the individuals being bullied (Einarsen et al, 2011) but also have significant financial implications on the organisations that do not take measures to prevent them (Australian Productivity Commission, 2010; Einarsen et al, 2011). Therefore preventing bullying/harassment by providing safe work environment in order to avoid psychological impact on the worker’s health are the organisation’s responsibility (Lyon Livermore, 2007). There is considerable literature around the causes of the work place aggression/bullying which are placed into three classes ‘internal’ and ‘external’ factors and their ‘interaction’. For example, internal influences are related to the personality or the severity of illness of the patients whereas external influences focus on factors like shortage of staff or noisy stressful work environment. The interactional approach acknowledges the interplay of the internal and external factors in triggering maintaining and exacerbation workplace aggression which is manifested through harassment or bullying of the staff. The workplace should not tolerate harassment, bullying or discriminative behaviour of any kind, whether it is by the managers, staff, contractors, advisors or others associated with the organisation in the course of its operations. All staff should be informed and trained at the time of employment, the organisations stance on harassment, bullying and discrimination. Increased awareness will persuade staff to have ‘zero tolerance’ for bullying and will encourage workers to combat it either by refusing to take part in it or by not keeping silent and reporting the incident on time. Furthermore early intervention is important. Regular workplace surveys and informal and formal discussions with the workers will help secure early intervention (Moore, Lynch Smith, 2006). Workplace bullying and harassment in the health sector affects not only the professional but also the personal lives of the staff. They have an impact on the patients they care for and on the organisations reputations and the fiscal health. For example it was evident from one of the studies that nurses feel less safe at work primarily because of their colleagues bullying and harassment than from the patients or their relatives. Poor staff relations and negative organisational environments were identified as the main reasons for the workplace bullying (Farrell Shafiei, 2012). Hence positive organisational environments including support from the supervisors, managers and colleagues can help buffer the negative influences of the workplace bullying and harassment as well as enhancing the staff’s perception to cope with the situation when it arises (Parzefall Salin, 2010). Moreover where there is support from the colleagues and the managers, and where training and information to deal with the workplace bullying is available to the staff, it is observed that these can help buffer some of the negative health consequences of the bullying and violence (Schat Kelloway, 2003). In order to reduce the incidence of bullying in the public health organisations in Australia, research suggests that the focus should be on four areas of the people management practices which include the quality and frequency of the performance feedback, level of supportive leadership, building an engaging work team environment and establishing managers have accountability for people management (Cotton et al, 2008).These four areas of people management practices can be achieved by taking a proactive approach to bullying through promoting a positive workplace culture, senior management commitment, developing a bullying policy and related procedures, communication and consultation, monitoring of the work climate by surveys and other methods and informing training and instructing the employees (Comcare, 2010) In the health service organisations, management and staff are equally responsible to prevent the bullying and harassment at the workplace. Management has the responsibility to monitor the working environment to ensure that acceptable standards of conduct are observed at all times, model appropriate behaviour themselves, promote organisations anti-harassment policy within their work area, treat all complaints seriously and take immediate action to investigate and resolve the matter. Staff has the responsibility to comply with the organisations anti-harassment policy, offer support to anyone who is harassed and advise them where they can get help and advice, maintain complete confidentiality during the investigation of a harassment complaint, report bullying, harassment and offensive behaviour, even if not involved, to management. Over the past few years Victoria State has strictly implemented a number of anti-harassment and anti-bullying initiatives in their public health system inclu ding workplace redesign, provision of personal duress alarms, employment of specially trained security staff and so forth. However their translation to practice is left to individual health organisations as a result of which they were rarely followed up to know if the above initiatives were successful. This lack of evaluation measures reflects the situation that is prevalent across the Australia in respect to workplace bullying, where there is no agreed national approach and little in the way of the systematic program appraisal (Farrell Cubit, 2005). Conclusion There was some concerns in the past that the anti- bullying preventive measures mentioned in the literature and the polices adopted by the health service organisations were not in tandem with each other as a result of which the services failed to prevent and intervene in bullying. However recent studies has provided evidence that not only the Australian health care organisations are starting to make active efforts to prevent harassment and bullying, but also their efforts agree fairly with the recommendations emanating from the research world. Furthermore the Human Resources departments in the health care organisations seem to recognise the importance of dealing with the bullying and hence go beyond just formulating the policies or training the staff. The active involvement of the Human Resource personnel also negates the popular belief in the past that it is the role of the managers and the immediate supervisors and not the HR department to intervene in preventing the bullying at th e workplace. There is a need to implement the HR practices like attitude and training surveys, formal appraisal discussions and performance based pay etc. in the health care organisations. The other key factor that needs to be changed in the health care organisations is that the anti- bullying action is rather undertaken for the problems reported and not as a preventive measure. In other words many health organisations adopt anti-bullying measures as part of a reactive rather than a proactive strategy. Also there is an urgent need to recognise that the anti-bullying polices in the health services should be framed based on the needs and requirements of the local organisation and not copy pasting from other sources or merely imitating other organisations. Thus, a policy that does not address the local organisation needs is less likely to be adapted, less likely to be implemented and less likely to be applied when the bullying actually occurs. Furthermore, it is observed that there is severe lack of evaluations and surveys to identify the effectiveness of the currently practised anti-bullying measures in the health organisations. As health services are becoming increasingly complex in terms of staff, resources, communications and so forth, they should have clear expectations regarding the transparency of the employer’s interpersonal interactions to avoid the occurrence of the complex or troublesome interpersonal dynamics. The health organisations should take all complaints of harassment, bullying and/or discrimination seriously and deal with them promptly in a spirit of compassion and justice. They should ensure that the privacy is maintained and the complainants and witnesses are not victimised in any way either by the management or the employees. References: Australian Productivity Commission 2010, Performance benchmarking of Australian business regulation: Occupational health and safety, Canberra, viewed 25 March 2014, http://www.pc.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0007/96163/ohs-report.pdf. Comcare. 2010. Preventing and managing bullying at work – A guide for employers (OHS65), Canberra, viewed 25 March 2014, http://www.comcare.gov.au/forms__and__publications/publications/safety_and_prevention/?a=40108 Cotton P, Hart P, Palmer R, Armstrong K, Schembri C 2008, Working well: An organisational approach to preventing psychological injury, a guide for corporate, HR and OHS managers. Comcare, Viewed 25 March 2014, http://www.comcare.gov.au/forms__and__publications/publications/safety_and_prevention/?a=41369 Einarsen S, Hoel H, Zapf D, Cooper CL 2011, Bullying and harassment in the workplace: Development in theory, research and practice, 2nd edn, CRC Press, Boca Raton, FL. Farrell G Cubit K 2005, Nurses under threat: a comparison of content of 28 aggression management programs. International Journal of Mental Health Nursing, vol.14 no.1, pp. 44–53. Farrell GA Shafiei T 2012, Workplace aggression, including bullying in nursing and midwifery: A descriptive survey (the SWAB study), International Journal of Nursing Studies, vol. 49, pp.1423–1431. Lyon G Livermore G 2007, ‘The regulation of workplace bullying’, Melbourne: WorkSafe Victoria. Moore MO, Lynch J, Smith M 2006, ‘The way forward’, Proceedings from the 5th international conference on bullying and harassment in the workplace, Trinity College, Dublin, pp. 129–131. NT WorkSafe 2012, Prevention of bullying at work – Employers, Darwin, viewed 26 March 2014, http://www.worksafe.nt.gov.au/Bulletins/Bulletins/15.01.12.pdf. Parzefall MR Salin DM 2010, Perceptions of and reactions to workplace bullying: a social exchange perspective, Human Relations, vol.63, no.6, pp.761–780. SafeWork South Australia 2010, Preventing workplace bullying: A practical guide for employers, (0095), Adelaide, viewed 26 March 2014, http://www.stopbullyingsa.com.au/documents/bullying_employers.pdf. Schat AC Kelloway EK 2003, Reducing the adverse consequences of workplace aggression and violence: the buffering effects of organizational support, Journal of Occupational Health Psychology, vol.8, no.2, pp.110–122. WorkCover NSW 2009, Preventing and responding to bullying at work, (WC02054), Sydney: WorkCover Authority of NSW, viewed 26 March 2014, http://www.workcover.nsw.gov.au/formspublications/publications/Documents/bullying_at_work_2054.pdf. Workplace Health and Safety Queensland 2004, Prevention of workplace harassment – Code of practice 2004, (PN11183), Brisbane, viewed 26 March 2014, http://www.deir.qld.gov.au/workplace/resources/pdfs/prevention-workplace-harassment-cop-2004.pdf. WorkSafe Victoria 2009, Preventing and responding to bullying at work, Melbourne, viewed 26 March 2014, http://www.worksafe.vic.gov.au/wps/wcm/connect/f61387004071f2b98ca4dee1fb554c40/WSV585_05_04.10WEBsmall.pdf?MOD=AJPERES. WorkSafe Western Australia 2010, Code of practice – Violence, aggression and bullying at work, Perth, viewed 26 March 2014, http://www.commerce.wa.gov.au/WorkSafe/PDF/Codes_of_Practice/Code_violence.pdf.